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This book is, one can assert without a doubt, sui generis, unique in
that it provides an entirely new perspective on the development of
Pakistan’s political economy. It is a thorough and objective analysis, an
eye-opener, and the author leaves no stone unturned.
At the outset, the book critiques conventional regression-based
investigations of growth in developing countries. The author then focuses
on the theoretical and develops a model in order to analyze and evaluate
the role of the state in economic development. Essentially, he asserts that
the state has three functions: First, a financial role in channeling the
economic surplus to those individuals who are able to invest productively;
second, a production role to ensure that such financial resources are
utilized productively, which involves either raising productivity or
upgrading to a higher technology market niche. According to McCartney,
the state has a crucial role in both encouraging and facilitating learning by
the private sector. Third, the state utilizes institutions to act as a mediator
between conflict and economic growth.
The author asserts that conflict is an integral part of the process of
growth and, further, that economic development and political stability
are two entirely different and opposing processes. Conflict is almost an
inevitable part of economic growth, which involves significant changes in
property rights and income distribution. Not considering the role of
conflict and its centrality in growth would be to ignore a central aspect of
Pakistan’s political economic development. A repressive state, an
inclusive state, or an ideological state can help lessen the negative fallout
of conflict on development. The author elaborates at great length on this
later in the book. This perspective on the political economy of Pakistan is
both unusual and insightful.
Following the introductory chapter, the author provides fairly
scathing criticism of orthodox analysis of economic growth in developing
countries. The use of averages, according to McCartney, conceals an
160 Nina Gera
important empirical reality of the process of growth. These, he states, are
the structural breaks and phases of expansion and stagnation that are
typical of the growth process. He adds that there are numerous problems
with uncovering any link from policy to growth.
The book in its entirety is schematically and methodically divided
into episodes of growth and stagnation between 1951 and 2008. According
to the author, there are three episodes of growth, 1951/52 to 1958/59,
1960/61 to 1969/70, and 2003/04 to 2008/09, while the two episodes of
stagnation include 1970/71 to 1991/92 and 1992/93 to 2002/03.
The next chapter reveals that the surplus mobilized by the state in
the first episode of growth was minimal. Creeping growth of savings and tax
revenue compelled the state to rely on capital inflows from abroad. Further,
the main source of growth during this period was import substitution.
Chapter 6 indicates that, although the government attempted to
mobilize a surplus, during the episode of growth from 1960/61 to
1969/70, this was constrained and generally unsuccessful as savings and
tax revenue only increased marginally. The following section looks at the
role of the state in achieving a productive use of the surplus in both the
public and private sectors. The fundamental sources of growth were
domestic demand and the green revolution in agriculture, while export
growth also played a part. However, there was a considerable level of
inefficiency and low productivity in both industry and agriculture at the
start of the period.
The chapter on the episode of stagnation, 1970/71 to 1991/92,
discusses how the domestic surplus mobilized by the state was stagnant.
Also, Pakistan did not then follow a pattern of growth based on its laborintensive
comparative advantage. As to the institutions that may or may
not allow the state to tide over the conflicts associated with economic
growth, the author claims that the elections of 1970 gave Pakistan the
opportunity to allow for the supremacy of democratic over repressive
state institutions.
During the episode of stagnation, 1992/93 to 2002/03, the state
found it virtually impossible to mobilize a domestic surplus following
1992/93, unlike its success in this after 2003/04. During the latter period
of growth, there were indications of improvements in efficiency and
productivity from the abysmally low levels in the 1990s. However, the
author concludes that this episode of growth was, in the final analysis,
Pakistan - The Political Economy of Growth, Stagnation and the State 161
unsustainable and would in all probability have withered away even
without the financial crisis of 2008–10.
McCartney skillfully blends the political with the economic. Apart
from the occasional arid and repetitive passages, and despite the
academic and scholarly complexion, it is a riveting read. The plethora of
statistics sprinkled throughout the chapters substantiate his arguments
albeit making it somewhat tedious reading. The book is decidedly not for
the uninitiated but a must-read for anyone interested in the intricacies of
the subject. |
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